At recent reception we were pulled aside by a Mozambican journalist who had found out that we were from Malawi. The first quesion he asked was “What is wrong with you Malawians?” The journalist claimed Mozambicans were angry about the attack by Malawi police had attacked a Mozambican police station. He said that the President of Malawi had said nothing about the attack twenty four hours after the incident. We responded that our understanding on the
Malawi side is that
Malawi President was informed by Mozambican authorities of the incident and that Bingu had been taken by surprise. The time lapse could be explaned by the fact he
wanted to verify what exactly what had happened. Our Mozambican journalist hinted that Mozambicans believed that elements of the Malawi government had supportive of RENAMO had deliberately carried out this act. We suggested that this was unlikely and that this was a border incident involving two remote posts whose occupants probably socialised over the border.
On electricity, the understanding in Mozambique is that Malawi had rejected Mozambique’s offer because Malawi had found alternative sources of energy. We suggested that our understanding was that there were disagreements over tariffs. Our neighbour then suggested that Malawi had also not responded positively to the construction of the Tete link up to the border of Malawi. Again the view was that Malawi was rejecting this extension in preference for its own Shire-Zambezi project over which Mozambicans felt they had not been adequately consulted. We suggested that on Malawi side there have been concerns about delays in the repair of Nacala rail. He said that was partly true because the Nampula province had hitherto been controlled by RENAMO. The good news now was that a company closely allied with President of Mozambique was interested in the project.
A surprising question from our neighbour was why Bingu had returned to Malawi on a different plane from the one he had taken to Maputo. We had no response to that as we had never heard of the changes in the transport arrangements. .
Our journalist also pointed out that Mozambique left COMESA when Bingu was its Executive Secretary and that there was something to that. This took us by surprise considering (a) that Mozambique left COMESA in 1997 after Bingu had left COMESA and (b) only recently Mozambique, Zambia and COMESA had signed a Memorandum on the Shire-Zambezi project. It is true that there was bad blood between the boss of SADC and Bingu at COMESA and that this had polarised the region, with Mozambique, Namibia and Angola leaning towards SADC.
In general Mozambicans seem to believe that Malawi harbours the same designs for Mozambique as Banda had. They resent Malawi’s designs on the Zambezi without adequate consultation. We assured our neighbour that there is nothing in Malawi foreign policy towards the Southern African region today that draws on Dr. Banda’s legacy and that we have never heard anything from any Malawi politicians questioning the territorial integrity of Mozambique or seeking to interfere in the internal affairs of the country. Our neighbour suggested that this may be true at the top but that many people in the security services were still closely related to their RENAMO colleagues.
Mozambicans have their own North/South divide and they seem to be the belief that there was ethnic affinity behind Dr. Banda’s support for RENAMO and that somehow Malawi still favours their “North”. We said we doubted that. There is no history of Malawi favouring any of our neighbour's regions because of ethnic affinity. For one, the groups that cut across borders with Mozambique – Lomwes, Yaos, Ngonis, Sena - do not form one political block in Malawi that would push Malawi in that direction.
Our neighbour also suggested that Malawi was displaying the same nonchalant attitude towards Mozambique as “Anglophones always to towards Lusophones”.
Mozambicans have never forgiven Dr. Banda who they are convinced was involved in the assassination of their first President.
Our advice is that Malawi should place Mozambique among the list of its most important countries in diplomatic and economic terms and treat it visibly as such.
Only last week we listened to the ranting and ravings of the Chinese ambassador on Zodiak Radio. The Ambassador was complaining about the ingratitude of Malawi which had allowed its national press to say unfriendly things towards China by its reporting on Chinese immigrants in Malawi in a prejudiced manner and by apparently supporting the Dalai Lama. The Ambassador laid down conditions of friendship that would effectively include muzzling the national press. However the important point here is that Chinese also have unpleasant memory of Malawi. It is doubtful that the ambassador would have spoken with the same tone if the countries involved were Zambia, Tanzania or Zimbabwe which are old friends.
Malawi was among the last of the African countries to abandon Taiwan. And at many international fora Malawi delegation spoke on behalf of the recognition of Taiwan often reading texts that were scripted by the Taiwanese. Malawi were often followed around by their Taiwanese minders that paid Malawi diplomats lavishly. The Chinese were often heard saying “Malawians have no self-respect and sense of dignity”. It is doubtful that they have changed their attitudes about Malawi so soon. They probably believe our switch was purely mercenary and they thus feel free to respond so angrily and undiplomatically to any sign of ingratitude on our part.
Both stories above remind us how history and institutional memories play an important role in shaping the foreign policies of countries. And it is important that our diplomats bear in mind the histories thay may have shaped the attitudes of our partners towards us. The impressions they have of us may not be based on facts on the ground today but they definitely shape the diplomatic climate within which Malawi relates to these foes of yesteryear that may not entirely have forgiven, let alone forgotten our sins.
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